I clearly remember many times when, as a Muslim, I would enter the bathroom, take off my pants, and then realize that I was not sure whether I had entered using my left foot. In Islam, you are supposed to enter the bathroom with your left foot, or demons may remain there with you while you are defecating. So I would pull my pants back up if I knew there were other people in the house, or leave them down if there was no one there, go back outside, and then reenter using my left foot.

But there was another problem. Sometimes I would go out to reenter, only to realize that I had forgotten to pay attention to whether I had stepped out using my left or right foot.

I know this seems funny, but this is only one of hundreds, if not thousands, of things a Muslim must remember to observe throughout the day. Otherwise, there may be consequences. For example, Muhammad said that Satan urinates in the ears of the person who sleeps until morning without getting up for prayer. If you repeat “Glory be to Allah,” “Praise be to Allah,” and “Allah is the greatest” thirty-three times after every prayer, and then complete the hundred with the prescribed confession, your sins will be forgiven even if they are as abundant as the foam of the sea. If you recite Ayat al-Kursi before going to sleep, Allah will appoint a guardian to protect you, and Satan will not approach you until morning. If a man asks his wife to come to bed and she refuses, causing him to spend the night angry with her, the angels will curse her until morning.

Life can be difficult for someone who sincerely wants to observe everything Muhammad taught. But even after you do your best to fulfill all these requirements, which can completely overwhelm your life, you still cannot find peace in Islam because there is no guarantee that you will end up in Paradise or even that you will be protected in this life.

Islam teaches many arbitrary things and confuses Muslims who seek comfort in religion. For example, the Quran teaches that if a calamity strikes you, it may be from Allah as a consequence of your sins, but it also says that calamities may be tests from Allah. As a Muslim, you never know whether a calamity is Allah punishing you or testing you because you have strong faith (Quran 2:155; 42:30).

This arbitrariness extends to Paradise. On the Last Day, when you stand before Allah, there will be a scale. The two angels who lived on either side of you during your life will bring their records, and your good deeds and sins will be weighed against each other. There is no way to know which side will prevail on the scale.

Muhammad said that Allah might find the confession of faith among the pile of your good deeds and send you to Paradise. He also said that a person might say one word that displeases Allah and be cast into Hell because of it. Muhammad also said that on the Last Day, Allah will take the sins of Muslims and place them upon Jews and Christians, who will become their ransom from Hell.

There are literally thousands of hadiths like these that confuse Muslims to the point that they lose hope of ever having any assurance about their eternal destiny. That is why I wrote Sola Jihad, because dying in jihad is literally the only way a Muslim can guarantee Paradise.

But what if I told you that, six years after converting to Christianity, I realized I was still living as a Muslim? This was not mainly because Islam had programmed me. No, it was because much of the church had been severed from the Jewishness of the gospel.

Addicted to the Law

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Money told the parents that gender was plastic in the first years of life, that a child raised consistently as a girl would become one, and that the surgery should proceed. Bruce was castrated at twenty-two months and renamed Brenda. The family was instructed never to tell.

Money published the “twins case” in 1972 as an unqualified triumph: the genetically male child was developing a female identity, therefore nurture ruled and nature was negotiable. Time magazine carried the news, feminist theorists cited it, and textbooks canonized it for twenty years. The case seemed to demonstrate that the deepest fact about a human being, boy or girl, was not discovered but installed.

There was one problem.

Brenda tore off the dresses. She refused the dolls, fought the boys who mocked her, insisted on urinating standing up, and told her therapists year after year that something was wrong in a way she had no words for. By her teens she was suicidal. Money’s published papers described a happy, well-adjusted girl during the exact years the child was threatening to kill himself. When Brenda was fourteen, her father finally broke and told her the truth in a parking lot. Her reaction, recounted for the rest of her life, was relief. Everything clicked. For the first time, the child understood why the identity assigned by the world’s leading expert had never fit: it had been false from the first day, and the body had known all along.

The patient took a new name and lived as a man. In 1997, the researchers Milton Diamond and Keith Sigmundson tracked him down and detonated the case in the medical literature; the journalist John Colapinto then told the full story to the public.

The Nation on the Operating Table

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Do the Jews living today retain a distinct place within God’s purposes, or did that place expire with the coming of Christ? Does Christianity create any particular obligation toward the Jewish people and their state, or does the gospel eliminate every distinction between Israel and the nations?

The anti-Israel movement in the U.S. understood that American support for Israel does not ultimately rest upon AIPAC or intelligence cooperation. Tens of millions of Bible-reading Christians who open Genesis, read God’s promise to Abraham, and believe that the Jewish people still occupy a particular place in the biblical story.

Destroy that belief, and the political alliance will not survive another generation.

Christian Zionism is under attack as not authentically Christian at all, but a nineteenth-century invention created by John Nelson Darby, popularized through the Scofield Reference Bible, and later exploited by Zionists seeking Christian political support. I responded to that claim here.

The deeper attack, however, is the weaponization of a theological doctrine that argues the Church replaced Israel, that every covenant and promise given to the Jewish people was fulfilled spiritually in Christ and transferred to the Church, and that Jews today possess no continuing standing within God’s covenantal purposes. Until an individual Jew believes in Jesus, he is said to stand before God exactly as any other unbeliever does, with no remaining distinction inherited from Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob. The academic name for this school of thought is supersessionism, more commonly called replacement theology.

Unlike the crude conspiracies circulating through podcasts and social media, Replacement theology possesses a long ecclesiastical pedigree and many adherents who intend no hostility toward Jews. That is precisely why this essay will not be another catalogue of land promises, prophetic passages, or arguments over the rapture and the millennium. My purpose is not to defend dispensational theology. I intend to examine the premise beneath the entire dispute, the premise on which replacement theology rests its case against Israel.

Before I do, a word to each of my readers.

If you are a Christian, I am asking you to withhold your verdict until the final paragraph. Some of what follows may initially sound like heresy. Do not reach for the accusation before the argument has been made. I will defend every step from Scripture, but the evidence must be considered as a whole.

If you are Jewish, read this to understand what is being fought over inside Christianity right now. The fight is about you, but it is taking place without you. Its outcome may determine whether tens of millions of Christians continue to regard themselves as your allies or are persuaded that their support for Israel was founded upon a theological mistake.

And if you are neither Christian nor Jewish, stay anyway. You are about to watch a dispute nearly two thousand years old shape the geopolitics of the twenty-first century.

Faith In Whom?

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Protagoras, the most famous among them, advertised that he could make the weaker argument beat the stronger. He also taught that “man is the measure of all things,” a doctrine with obvious commercial advantages: if truth exists, the paying customer might be wrong. If truth is whatever persuades, the customer is always one purchased speech away from being right.

The sophist Gorgias of Leontini, in his Encomium of Helen, a showpiece in which he argues that the most condemned woman in Greek mythology bore no blame for running off to Troy, compares speech to a drug. As different drugs act on the body, he writes, different words act on the soul: some end grief, some produce courage, some poison and bewitch. The Greek word he chose, pharmakon, means both medicine and toxin. The Helen speech wasn’t really about Helen. It was an advertisement: watch me take the guiltiest name in Greece and dissolve the guilt with nothing but language.

In Plato’s dialogue, Gorgias tells a story from his youth. He used to accompany his brother, a physician, on house calls, and when a patient refused surgery, it wasn’t the doctor who changed the man’s mind. It was Gorgias. Put a rhetorician and a doctor before any crowd, let them compete for a medical post, and the rhetorician wins every time. The man who knows nothing beats the man who knows everything, provided the audience knows nothing too.

The trade paid. Gorgias grew rich enough to erect a statue of himself at Delphi, in gold.

Socrates charged no fees, wrote no books, built no following. He worked the same agora with the same instrument, dialogue, pointed in the opposite direction. His method was to question a man who claimed to know something, expose the contradictions in his answers, and leave both of them staring at their shared ignorance. He lost arguments gladly, because losing removed an error, and a man who discovers he doesn’t understand justice is closer to justice than a man whose eloquence conceals that he never did.

Everything separating the two trades fits into two questions. The philosopher asks: what is true? The sophist asks: what can I make this audience believe?

The New Sophists

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Even Athens, the birthplace of democracy and supposedly of free expression, had its limits. The playwright Aristophanes, the father of political comedy, was hauled into court by Cleon, the most powerful politician in the city, for the crime of making Athens look bad in one of his plays. And the same democracy that invented satire forced Socrates, its greatest philosopher, to drink poison, for disrespecting the gods of the city. Further east, the Great King of Persia required every man who approached him to perform proskynesis, to throw himself face-down on the ground, the posture of worship. When Alexander the Great conquered Persia and adopted the practice for himself, his own court philosopher, Callisthenes, refused to bow. He did not survive the refusal.

In 1579, an English writer named John Stubbs published a pamphlet objecting to Queen Elizabeth’s plan to marry a French Catholic prince. For that, the state laid his right hand on a block and severed it with a cleaver. Fifty years later, a lawyer named William Prynne wrote a book attacking the theater as immoral, at the very moment the Queen of England happened to be enjoying performing in court plays. Reading his book as an insult to her, the state cropped off his ears. And in France, a young writer was thrown into the Bastille, the royal prison, for circulating verses that mocked the man ruling the country. His name was Voltaire, the future giant of the Enlightenment, and his career in free thought began in a cell for the crime of a joke. Europe had a legal name for this crime: lèse-majesté, literally, “injured majesty.” To mock the ruler was treated as sacrilege, as violence against something holy.

Power has never feared the sword as much as it fears the joke. An assassin can kill a king, but the king dies a king, a martyr, even. A satirist makes the king ordinary. He drags the throne down to eye level, where everyone can see that the man sitting on it sweats, lies, lusts, and fears like everyone else. Armies can be defeated and replaced. Awe, once punctured, never fully reinflates.

This is why every despotism in history has criminalized laughter. Ridicule is a solvent. It dissolves the invisible substance that authoritarian power is actually made of, not tanks, not treasuries, but sanctity.

The Civilization That Sanctified No One

Around the tenth century before Christ, the king of Israel took another man’s wife, impregnated her, and arranged for her husband to be killed at the front to cover it up. This was standard behavior for a Bronze Age monarch; the pharaohs and the kings of Babylon did worse before breakfast, and their court scribes recorded only their glory. But into David’s throne room walked a prophet named Nathan, a man with no army and no title, and he told the king a story about a rich man who stole a poor man’s only lamb. When David burned with anger at the thief, Nathan pointed at him and said: “You are the man.”

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One day, teachers may use these words to teach students about the mistake that brought down Western civilization. I hope that day never comes.

The West treats Islam as a religion, a set of private beliefs, rituals, and moral teachings that can be accommodated within the liberal nation-state much like Christianity, Judaism, or Buddhism. This framework is fundamentally false.

Islam functions as a state. Not a state in the narrow Westphalian sense of a territorially bounded sovereign entity with a capital, army, and diplomatic corps recognized by the United Nations. It is a transnational state, a borderless political community with its own population, constitution, expansionist logic, and mechanisms of governance and loyalty.

The Core Elements of the Islamic State

• Population: The Ummah constitutes the citizenry. Membership is determined by profession of faith (the shahada), not by birthplace, ethnicity, or passport. Quran 49:10 explicitly frames believers as “brothers” in a bond that supersedes tribal or national ties. This creates a primary political loyalty that overrides loyalty to any host nation-state.

• Sovereignty: Sovereignty resides in Allah and is expressed through Sharia. Human rulers or parliaments possess only delegated authority; they are legitimate only insofar as they implement divine law. This is the doctrine of hakimiyya. No man-made constitution or border can claim ultimate authority. The world is conceptually divided into Dar al-Islam (territory under Islamic sovereignty or law) and Dar al-Harb (territory not yet brought under it).

• Law and Governance: Sharia is not personal ethics. It is public law covering criminal punishment, family relations, inheritance, commerce, war, and relations with non-Muslims. Where Muslim populations reach critical mass in the West, parallel institutions emerge, as embryonic state functions. These are not cultural accommodations. They are assertions of jurisdictional autonomy by a rival sovereign order.

• Expansion and Foreign Policy: jihad is the instrument for extending Dar al-Islam. In the modern era this has taken multiple forms: military (historical conquests, contemporary groups from Hamas to ISIS), demographic (hijra as religiously sanctioned migration to spread the faith and increase numbers), institutional (Muslim Brotherhood as a transnational vanguard party, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation as a diplomatic bloc), and financial (petrodollar influence on Western institutions and elites). The response to Israel across the Muslim world is not a collection of national foreign policies; it is Ummah-wide mobilization against a non-Muslim sovereign entity on territory claimed for Islam.

This is state behavior without a single fixed capital or contiguous territory. It is closer to a revolutionary or imperial state in permanent diaspora-and-conquest mode than to any private religious community the West has previously encountered.

Historical Continuity of the State Form

Muhammad established a political community with a constitution, treasury (bayt al-mal), military expeditions, treaties, and taxation of non-Muslims. The Rashidun, Umayyad, Abbasid, and Ottoman periods were successive iterations of Islamic state power, sometimes centralized caliphates, sometimes fragmented sultanates, but always operating under the claim that political authority derives from and must serve Sharia.

The Muslim Brotherhood, founded in 1928, was explicitly a state-building project in the absence of a caliphate, an “Islamic state in waiting” that operates through cells, social services, political parties, and paramilitary wings. Khomeini’s 1979 revolution created an explicit theocratic state whose constitution subordinates all law to the velayat-e faqih. Hamas’s 1988 charter declares Palestine an Islamic waqf (endowment) and frames its struggle as recovery of Islamic land. Even “secular” Arab regimes paid lip service to Islamic legitimacy while Islamic movements treated them as obstacles to the true state.

Whenever Muslims have had the capacity, they have moved to establish or restore Islamic political sovereignty. The territorial nation-state model imported from Europe after World War I and the end of the Ottoman Caliphate was always an overlay, not a replacement. It is now fraying wherever Muslim majorities or significant minorities exist.

Why the West Misdiagnosed a State as a Religion

Post-Enlightenment Western thought developed powerful tools for managing religion after the wars of religion: privatize belief, separate church from state, tolerate private conscience while demanding public loyalty to the civic order. These tools worked on Christianity because Christianity had already generated internal resources (two kingdoms doctrine, natural law, eventual Reformation pluralism) that permitted compartmentalization.

Islam contains no equivalent internal pressure toward such compartmentalization. Its foundational texts fuse the religious and political in a single revelation claimed to be final and perfect. Islamic jurisprudence never developed a theory of two swords or a secular public square. The modern West therefore projected its own post-religious categories onto Islam and assumed compatibility.

Multiculturalism and mass immigration policies were the practical expression of this conceptual failure. European states imported populations whose primary political community was the Ummah and whose law was Sharia, then expressed surprise when enclaves formed, parallel norms emerged, and integration stalled.

American policy after 1965 and especially after 9/11 did the same under the banner of diversity and “religion of peace” diplomacy. The “nice Muslim” or “moderate” individual was treated as proof of compatibility, ignoring that states contain dissenters and that the existence of quiet or reformist Muslims does not alter the doctrinal and institutional character of the Ummah as a political actor.

The result is visible in crime overrepresentation from specific regions, welfare dependency patterns, grooming gang scandals in Britain, no-go dynamics in French banlieues and Swedish suburbs, campus and street mobilizations after October 7, and the gradual insertion of Sharia sensibilities into public institutions. These are the friction generated when one state form operates inside the territory of another without formal recognition or subordination.

Recognizing Islam as a transnational political state, rather than a mere private religion, delivers critical explanatory and predictive power that the naïve “religion of peace” model dangerously lacks. This clarity serves as an early warning system, arming us to protect Western civilization from the civilizational occupation already underway.

• It explains why demographic change is not neutral. Higher fertility combined with continued migration and chain migration functions as a state-expansion strategy, hijra updated for the age of passports and welfare systems.

• It explains institutional behavior. Muslim Brotherhood networks, CAIR-style organizations, and OIC diplomacy are not mere lobbying groups. They are the foreign and domestic policy arms of a dispersed state actor.

• It explains resistance to assimilation. A citizen of the Ummah-state owes primary loyalty to its law and community. Full assimilation into a rival civic nation-state constitutes a form of political defection or apostasy in the classical sense.

• It explains the global synchronization of responses to events involving Muslims (Palestine, cartoons, burnings of the Quran). These are not spontaneous religious reactions; they are mobilizations of a political community defending its sovereignty claims and honor.

The framework also clarifies what successful defense would require: treating the Ummah-state as a strategic competitor rather than a faith community in need of inclusion. That means immigration policy calibrated to compatibility with the host civic order, rigorous enforcement of host law without parallel accommodations, ideological competition that supports defectors and reformers, and an unapologetic defense of the nation-state as the legitimate container of political loyalty.

Civilizations have always encountered rivals. The mistake of the West is that it encountered Islam while armed with a conceptual vocabulary that rendered the rival invisible as a political actor. Correcting that vocabulary is not optional. It is the precondition for any policy that has a chance of preserving the nation-state order the West developed at such cost and that Islam regards as temporary and illegitimate.

What About “Nice Muslims”?

Israel is an occupying force, some claim. Yet there are Israelis, certain left-wing activists, academics, or fringe ultra-Orthodox groups, who oppose the State of Israel itself and denounce what they call “the occupation.”

Does the existence of these individuals prove that Israel is not an “occupying force”? Of course not.

Well, there goes your “nice Muslim” theory.

The existence of “nice Muslims,” secular reformers, or vocal “Muslims against Islam” does not erase the doctrinal and historical reality of Islam as a conquering, occupying force.

Michel Foucault went to Tehran in 1978 and described the revolution as “political spirituality,” the first great insurrection against the global order. The Iranian left, the Tudeh communists, the Fedayan, the secular nationalists, supplied the street muscle that brought Khomeini to power, confident that the mullahs were a phase, a vehicle, a temporary ally against the Shah and the Americans. Between 1981 and 1988 the Islamic Republic hanged, shot, and tortured them nearly out of existence, culminating in the 1988 prison massacres. The useful idiots were exterminated by the movement they had translated into respectability.

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For most of the twentieth century Yellowstone National Park had no wolves. They had been hunted and trapped out by the mid-1920s. As a result, the elk, with nothing left to hunt them, grew numerous and calm. They no longer had reason to move. They stood along the rivers and in the open valleys and ate at their leisure, year upon year.

The willow and aspe…

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The reflex is to blame money, infrastructure, the Jews. Yes, I am not kidding, many videos circulated in Arabic of people explaining how the Jews control FIFA and that is why Arab countries always lose.

I grew up inside that world, Israel was not merely blamed for the wars and the politics. Israel was the explanation for the failure of everything. The economy, the corruption, the broken health system, the broken education system, somewhere behind each one stood the Jew, arranging our humiliation. It was the master key. It unlocked every door, and so no other door ever had to be examined. The failure was never ours. It was done to us.

In a culture organized around that grievance, success becomes the real treason. The moment an Arab country decides to actually walk away from this sad state of affair, to normalize with Israel, to build with the West, to stop performing the role of the eternal victim and start producing something genuine, it is not celebrated. It is attacked. It becomes a Zionist puppet, a traitor, a sellout, bought. Breaking the model of grievance is treated as a crime. Because the grievance is load-bearing. Remove it and the entire architecture of excuse-making collapses.

The Minimum Necessary & The Maximum Possible.

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To make the case, the scholars handed ordinary Muslims a set of “scientific miracles”, verses said to contain knowledge a 7th-century man could not possibly have had. The most famous is how the Quran describes the creation of the embryo: God makes the lump into bones, and then “clothes the bones with flesh.” For decades Muslims were taught that this was miraculous, how could an illiterate man in the Arabian desert have known the stages of embryonic development unless the knowledge came from God?

Then came the internet.

It turns out the verse describes something that does not happen. Bones are not formed first and then wrapped in muscle. Bone and muscle grow from the same tissue, at the same time, there is no stage in which a little skeleton sits waiting to be clothed. Worse, the “bones then flesh” sequence wasn’t new knowledge at all. It matches what the Greek physician Galen taught five centuries before Muhammad. The “miracle” was a recycled error.

Verse after verse that had been sold as scientific prophecy, the sun setting in a muddy spring, the mountains as pegs holding the earth steady, the sky as a solid canopy, turned out to be the cosmology of late antiquity, not the voice of God.

The ordinary Muslim did not have the option of quietly letting the claim go. He had been told his faith depends on it. So he had to defend the indefensible, even when defending it made him look foolish. There is a clip that went viral a few years ago of an imam standing before a hall full of people, trying to prove the earth is flat and motionless. He told the audience that if a helicopter rises and hovers over Saudi Arabia for a few hours, he said, China does not come around underneath it, so the earth cannot be turning. Millions laughed at that clip, but what they were watching was simply a man defending what he sincerely believes is true, cornered into absurdity because his scholars built his faith on a claim that could not survive contact with reality.

The Christian Zionist’s Dilemma

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It wasn’t any of these that made me throw the Quran, literally, into the garbage in my parents’ house that night. It was something called the occasions of revelation. Islam has an entire science devoted to it, a respected branch of scholarship called asbāb al-nuzūl, the genre that helps Muslims understand the context in which each verse of the Quran was revealed. And thanks to generations of Muslims, those circumstances were preserved as carefully as the Quran itself.

By the end of this article you will understand why this is the most damning evidence against Islam there is. Honestly, I can’t fathom how anyone can read what follows and remain a Muslim.

Come on, menstruate already!

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The problem is that the men who commit these acts, and the men who issue these demands and calls, do not invent their justifications. They cite the Quran, the hadith, the biography of the Prophet, the centuries of jurisprudence built on all three, and they say, with textual precision, that what they are doing is divinely commanded. The “moderate” then steps forward to condemn the “Islamist” while pronouncing the very texts he quoted holy, perfect, and beyond revision.

The “moderate” is telling us that the source code is flawless and that everyone who reads it as a mandate for violence and Islamic hegemony has simply misread it, century after century, across every school and every continent. More than 60,000 Islamic terror attacks have taken place in the last few decades. At some point the claim that the text is innocent and only the readers are guilty must be rejected. When a document is read the same dangerous way by enough people for long enough, the problem is no longer confined to the readers.

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The same is true of Genghis Khan. Some see a brilliant empire-builder, others a butcher on horseback. Yet both camps describe the same brutal conqueror.

Even Jesus, perhaps the most disputed figure in history, produces a remarkably narrow range of disagreement. Christians worship him as God incarnate. Others regard him as a moral teacher, a prophet, a reformer, or a failed messianic claimant. But even the Jews who reject his divinity do not accuse him of cruelty, conquest, massacres, or personal corruption. The dispute is about who he was, not about what he did.

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That narrowness is how historical judgment works for Napoleon, for Caesar, for Stalin, for every consequential figure we argue about. However, When the Muslim and the critic describe Muhammad, they seem to be describing entirely different human beings. The range becomes very wide.

On one side stand more than a billion people for whom he is the perfect man, the mercy sent to all the worlds, the human being whose every gesture is the template for how a life should be lived, so beloved that his name cannot be spoken without a blessing, so exalted that to insult him is a capital crime. On the other side stand his critics, who draw their portrait not from hostile invention but from the Muslim sources themselves, the Quran, the sahih hadith, the sira that Muslims hold to be the most reliable records ever compiled, and from those same texts assemble a warlord and a blood-thirsty pedophile.

The Original Image

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Offensive jihad worked the same way. It was a standing duty of the Muslim state, not a personal duty of the Muslim man. And because it was the state’s war, it could be declared only by the state’s legitimate authority, the caliph, the imam, the holder of public power. An individual could not wake up and launch the expansion of Islam any more than a private citizen can declare war on a neighboring country.

The second category is defensive jihad: the war to repel an enemy who has invaded Muslim land. This the jurists classified as fard ayn, an individual obligation. When the unbeliever crosses into Muslim territory, the duty to fight falls personally on every able Muslim in the vicinity.

Defensive jihad, being a personal emergency like the duty to pray or to put out a fire in your house, requires no permission from anyone. No caliph need declare it or authorize it. The attack itself is the authorization.

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This same Abdel-Rahman was the man who, years earlier, issued the fatwa that declared Anwar Sadat an apostate for making peace with Israel, the religious ruling that sent Sadat to his death.

That young man was Adam Hamawy. This week, the Democratic Party of New Jersey made him their nominee for Congress, in a district so safe it has not elected a Republican since 1994. He is endorsed by Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, and Rashida Tlaib.

Last year it was Mamdani. This year it is Hamawy in New Jersey and another candidate in Michigan. Each one fluent in the language of the West, civil rights, inclusion, social justice, the whole liberal vocabulary, and each one carried into power on the shoulders of the useful idiots.

In 2008, in the Holy Land Foundation terrorism-financing trial, federal prosecutors entered into evidence a 1991 internal memorandum of the Muslim Brotherhood in North America. It described the Brotherhood’s work in America in its own words: a “grand jihad in eliminating and destroying Western civilization from within,” to be carried out by the hands of Americans themselves, through their own institutions. Not by bombs. By patience, by infiltration, by the slow capture of the very freedoms the West offers, and by the useful idiots who hold the door open and call anyone who notices a bigot.

Below is the demographic model that explains how this works, stage by stage, as Muslim populations grow inside a non-Muslim society. I first published it some time ago. I’m sending it again now, hoping more people will open their eyes to what’s happening.

The Demographic Blueprint of Islamic Expansion

Dr. Peter Hammond, in his work Slavery, Terrorism and Islam: The Historical Roots and Contemporary Threat, outlined a demographic model that continues to resonate across Western societies grappling with the challenges of multiculturalism. His thesis is that the behavioral patterns of Muslim populations in non-Muslim countries change predictably based on their percentage of the total population, and these shifts are not incidental or cultural but theological and systemic. They mirror Islam’s built-in ideological programming, which moves from passive tolerance to assertive dominance as numbers increase.

0–2%

When Muslims constitute less than 2% of the population, they typically maintain a low profile. This is the stage of da’wah, Islamic proselytization, and reputation-building. Islam is presented to the host society as peaceful, rational, and ethical. The focus is on integration, tolerance, and charitable outreach. Criticism of Islam is dismissed as ignorance or Islamophobia, while the community builds its infrastructure, mosques, community centers, and Islamic schools.

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Both of these framings are available in the Western discourse on any given day, but stand at the angle of what the thing actually was and you will see the Nakba was a theological assault that failed. It was the attempt to extinguish a non-Muslim sovereignty newly declared on land that Islam regards as its own, an attempt prosecuted by five Arab armies that invaded the day after the state was born, lost the war they had started, and produced, in their losing, the refugees they have wept over ever since.

From high enough up, you see only the misery. You see a displaced people, hundreds of thousands of them, scattered across the Arab world. You see that some of them, eighty years later, still live in camps and even in tents, in Lebanon, where they are denied citizenship and barred by law from dozens of professions; in Jordan; in Syria. You see crowded alleys, statelessness, a grievance handed down like an heirloom from grandfather to grandson.

But to understand the misery, start from the 1880s onward, Jews returned to the land in waves, and for roughly forty years they were tolerated. They bought land and worked it. They drained the malarial swamps of the Jezreel and the Hula. They planted the orchards. They founded Tel Aviv in 1909 on the empty dunes north of Jaffa and watched it grow into a city. They built schools, hospitals, newspapers, a university, the institutions of a society.

The Arabs of the land had no problem with any of that. Arab migrants poured in from Egypt, Syria, the Hauran, and beyond, drawn by the wages and the work that Jewish development was generating, and it was acceptable to them, even attractive, for one reason: all of it was being built inside the house of Islam. The Jews were prospering under the sovereignty of the caliphate.

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Below two percent, the population is invisible and the host calls Islam peaceful. Between two and five, it begins to proselytize and recruit. Past five, it starts to bend institutions to its norms, food, dress, finance, the slow accommodation of demands presented as rights. Around ten, Hammond wrote, lawlessness rises as a form of complaint; he pointed, two decades ago, to car-burnings in Paris. After twenty percent jihad militia formations.

In this article I want to take up that twentieth-percentile line, because Hammond names the militia phase but does not anatomize it, and explain, step by step, the inevitable balkanization of Western Europe.

The Sequence Run to Completion

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The experiment was discontinued after nine months. The reason it was discontinued reversed every assumption the Kelloggs had begun with. Gua the chimpanzee did make some progress in imitating human behaviors, using a spoon, drinking from a cup, opening doors. But Donald the human child started doing something the Kelloggs had not anticipated. He started imitating Gua. Specifically, he started imitating Gua’s vocalizations rather than developing human speech. At nineteen months, when other children his age were forming sentences, Donald was making chimpanzee-like food barks. The Kelloggs ended the experiment because their son was failing to acquire language.

Language is the Mind.

For most of intellectual history, language was treated as a tool. The mind, on this view, had its thoughts, and language was the instrument by which the thoughts were communicated. You have an idea. You translate it into words. The words travel to me. I translate the words back into ideas. Language is a transparent medium between two minds that already exist.

The twentieth century dismantled this picture. The work of Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf in the 1930s and 1940s proved that the language we acquire as children shapes the categories of thought available to us. A speaker of one language does not just describe the world differently from a speaker of another. He sees the world differently. He carves it up into different categories. The colors he distinguishes, the time he experiences, the moral intuitions he treats as obvious, the social distinctions he registers without thinking, all of these are shaped, before he can choose otherwise, by the language his mother spoke to him before he could speak back.

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